Sejarah sistem perdagangan laut-india

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Rute Perdagangan Samudra Hindia yang Diperbarui pada 09 Agustus 2016. Rute perdagangan Samudera Hindia menghubungkan Asia Tenggara, India. Arab, dan Afrika Timur. Dari setidaknya abad ketiga SM, perdagangan laut jarak jauh bergerak melintasi jaringan rute yang menghubungkan semua wilayah tersebut dan juga Asia Timur (khususnya China). Jauh sebelum orang-orang Eropa ditemukan di Laut Samudera Hindia, pedagang dari Arabia, Gujarat, dan wilayah pesisir lainnya menggunakan pertunjukan berlayar segitiga untuk memanfaatkan angin musiman musiman. Domestikasi unta membantu membawa barang-barang perdagangan pesisir - sutra, porselin, rempah-rempah, budak, dupa, dan gading - ke kerajaan darat. Di era klasik, kerajaan besar yang terlibat dalam perdagangan Samudra Hindia termasuk Kekaisaran Maurya di India, Dinasti Han di China, Kekaisaran Achaemenid di Persia, dan Kekaisaran Romawi di Laut Tengah. Sutra dari China menghiasi bangsawan Romawi, koin Romawi berbaur dengan harta karun India, dan permata Persia muncul di setting Mauryan. Barang ekspor utama lainnya di sepanjang jalur perdagangan Samudra Hindia klasik adalah pemikiran religius. Agama Buddha Hinduisme. Dan Jainisme menyebar dari India ke Asia Tenggara, dibawa oleh para pedagang dan bukan oleh misionaris. Islam kemudian akan menyebar dengan cara yang sama dari tahun 700-an CE. Oleh Kallie Szczepanski. Ahli Sejarah Asia Selama era abad pertengahan, 400 - 1450 CE, perdagangan berkembang di baskom Samudra Hindia. Munculnya khalifah Umayyah (661 - 750 M) dan Abbasiyah (750 - 1258) di Jazirah Arab memberikan simpul barat yang kuat untuk rute perdagangan. Selain itu, Islam menghargai pedagang (Nabi Muhammad sendiri adalah seorang pedagang dan pemimpin kafilah), dan kota-kota Muslim yang kaya menciptakan permintaan barang mewah yang sangat besar. Sementara itu, Dinasti Tang (618 - 907) dan Song (960-1279) di China juga menekankan perdagangan dan industri, mengembangkan hubungan perdagangan yang kuat di sepanjang Jalan Sutra yang berbasis darat. Dan mendorong perdagangan maritim. Penguasa Song bahkan menciptakan angkatan laut kekaisaran yang kuat untuk mengendalikan pembajakan di ujung timur rute. Antara orang-orang Arab dan Cina, beberapa kerajaan besar berkembang sebagian besar berdasarkan perdagangan maritim. Kekaisaran Chola di India selatan menyilaukan pelancong dengan kekayaan dan pengunjung mewah China mencatat parade gajah yang ditutupi kain emas dan permata yang berbaris melalui jalan-jalan kota. Di tempat yang sekarang Indonesia, Kekaisaran Sriwijaya berkembang pesat hampir seluruhnya pada kapal perdagangan yang bergerak di Selat Malaka yang sempit. Bahkan Angkor. Yang berbasis di pedalaman di jantung Khmer Kamboja, menggunakan Sungai Mekong sebagai jalan raya yang menghubungkannya dengan jaringan perdagangan Samudera Hindia. Selama berabad-abad, China sebagian besar membiarkan pedagang asing datang ke sana. Bagaimanapun, semua orang menginginkan barang-barang China, dan orang asing lebih dari sekadar bersedia meluangkan waktu dan kesulitan mengunjungi pesisir China untuk mendapatkan sutra, porselin, dan barang-barang lainnya. Pada 1405, bagaimanapun, Kaisar Yongle dari Dinasti Ming baru China mengirimkan tujuh ekspedisi pertama untuk mengunjungi semua mitra dagang utama kerajaan di sekitar Samudera Hindia. Kapal harta Ming di bawah Laksamana Zheng He melakukan perjalanan jauh ke Afrika Timur, membawa kembali utusan dan barang dagang dari seluruh wilayah. Oleh Kallie Szczepanski. Ahli Sejarah Asia Pada tahun 1498, pelaut baru yang aneh tampil pertama kali di Samudra Hindia. Pelaut Portugis di bawah Vasco da Gama mengelilingi titik selatan Afrika dan berkelana ke laut baru. Portugis sangat ingin bergabung dalam perdagangan Samudra Hindia, karena permintaan Eropa akan barang mewah Asia sangat tinggi. Namun, Eropa tidak punya apa-apa untuk diperdagangkan. Orang-orang di sekitar hamparan Samudra Hindia tidak membutuhkan pakaian wol atau bulu, panci masak besi, atau produk kecil lainnya di Eropa. Akibatnya, orang Portugis memasuki perdagangan Samudra Hindia sebagai bajak laut dan bukan pedagang. Dengan menggunakan kombinasi keberanian dan meriam, mereka merebut kota-kota pelabuhan seperti Calicut di pantai barat India dan Makau, di Cina selatan. Portugis mulai merampok dan memeras produsen lokal dan kapal dagang asing. Terancam oleh penaklukan Moor di Portugal dan Spanyol, mereka memandang Muslim secara khusus sebagai musuh, dan mengambil setiap kesempatan untuk menjarah kapal mereka. Pada tahun 1602, kekuatan Eropa yang bahkan lebih kejam muncul di Samudera Hindia: the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Alih-alih menyindir diri mereka dengan pola perdagangan yang ada, seperti yang dilakukan orang Portugis, Belanda mencari monopoli total pada rempah-rempah yang menguntungkan seperti pala dan pala. Pada tahun 1680, Inggris bergabung dengan British East India Company mereka. Yang menantang VOC untuk mengendalikan rute perdagangan. Seiring kekuatan Eropa membentuk kontrol politik atas bagian-bagian penting Asia, mengubah Indonesia, India. Malaya, dan sebagian besar Asia Tenggara menjadi koloni, perdagangan timbal balik dibubarkan. Barang bergerak semakin ke Eropa, sementara bekas kerajaan perdagangan Asia semakin miskin dan ambruk. Jaringan perdagangan Samudra Hindia berusia dua ribu tahun lumpuh, jika tidak sepenuhnya hancur. Flyhare menggunakan cookies untuk meningkatkan fungsionalitas dan kinerja, dan memberi Anda iklan yang relevan. Jika Anda terus browsing situs, Anda setuju dengan penggunaan cookies di situs ini. Lihat Perjanjian Pengguna dan Kebijakan Privasi kami. Slideshare menggunakan cookies untuk meningkatkan fungsionalitas dan kinerja, dan memberi Anda iklan yang relevan. Jika Anda terus browsing situs, Anda setuju dengan penggunaan cookies di situs ini. Lihat Kebijakan Privasi dan Perjanjian Pengguna kami untuk rinciannya. Jelajahi semua topik favorit Anda di aplikasi SlideShare Dapatkan aplikasi SlideShare untuk Simpan untuk Nanti bahkan secara offline Terus ke situs mobile Upload Masuk Signup Ketuk dua kali untuk memperkecil keluaran UPSC ANCIENT Sejarah India Topper Notes 2013 2014 Pengetahuan umum Berbagi SlideShare LinkedIn Corporation copy 2017Indian Sejarah Dan Budaya Sejarah dan Budaya India: Ikhtisar Orang-orang asal Asia bermigrasi ke Amerika antara empat puluh ribu dan dua belas ribu tahun yang lalu. Perubahan iklim mendorong para pemancing paling awal, yang memiliki titik tombak batu di sepanjang belahan bumi, untuk beradaptasi dengan berbagai ekosistem. Orang-orang tenggara menanam tanaman chenopod di dalam negeri bersamaan dengan pusat domestikasi tanaman global lainnya. Orang-orang di seluruh Amerika Utara mengadopsi jagung, kacang-kacangan, dan squash dari tetangga Meksiko mereka. Pusat populasi terbesar dan masyarakat tingkat negara bagian muncul di jaringan drainase Sungai Mississippi, sehingga pesisir lebih rentan terhadap invasi. Dengan Spanyol yang memimpin, orang-orang Eropa menjajah dan membawa penyakit baru ke Amerika yang dimulai pada akhir abad ke-15, menyebabkan bencana demografi terburuk dalam sejarah manusia. Epidemi membawa korban di setiap bidang kehidupan Amerika Asli. Dengan kemampuan beradaptasi yang luar biasa, orang-orang yang selamat terpecah, bermigrasi, dan akhirnya bergabung membentuk kelompok baru dan menyusun strategi untuk menangani penyerbu. Pertukaran pelts untuk barang-barang manufaktur Eropa meningkatkan kehidupan ekonomi dan spiritual pribumi selama berabad-abad sebelum ketergantungan mengikis otonomi mereka. Dorongan terus menerus dari Euroamerika untuk mengambil alih tanah asli dengan cara apapun yang diperlukan, termasuk genosida, mengurangi penduduk asli ke minoritas pribumi yang dilanda lautan imigran. Sebagai penjajah yang pada akhirnya mempertahankan tanah air yang paling asli, Amerika Serikat secara tidak sengaja memberi hak kepada penduduk asli terbatas dengan menggunakan perjanjian sebagai cara termurah untuk mendapatkan tanah. Pada 1830-an, Mahkamah Agung mendefinisikan India sebagai bangsal pemerintahan A.S. Meskipun hampir semua perjanjian rusak, suku-suku di abad kedua puluh berhasil sepenuhnya menggunakan pengadilan untuk mempertahankan kedaulatan mereka yang terbatas. Dengan tingkat perkawinan yang paling tinggi dari kelompok minoritas A.S., populasi penduduk pribumi meningkat saat abad ke-20 berakhir, meski tetap merupakan yang paling miskin. Bibliografi. William C. Sturtevant, ed. Buku Pegangan Indian Amerika Utara, 10 jilid. Sampai saat ini, 1978-. Francis Jennings, The Founders of America, 1993. Melissa L. Meyer Sejarah dan Budaya India: Era Migrasi dan Pra-Columbus Orang-orang Indian di Amerika, serta Aleuts dan Inuit (orang Eskimo), berasal dari Asia timur laut dan sampai ke Amerika dalam tiga atau empat episode migrasi besar. Sebagian besar orang Indian Amerika turun dari migrasi yang dimulai sekitar 15.000 tahun yang lalu. Apakah orang-orang ini mengalami populasi orang jarang yang berasal dari migrasi yang jauh lebih awal adalah topik banyak perdebatan dan penelitian. Migrasi kemudian yang dimulai sekitar 9.500 tahun yang lalu mungkin membawa pembicara bahasa Na-deacuteneacute ke Alaska bagian dalam dan Kanada barat. Namun, bukti genetik juga sesuai dengan kemungkinan bahwa Na-deacuteneacute dimulai sebagai cabang migrasi sebelumnya, perpecahan yang mungkin terjadi di Amerika Utara barat laut dan bukan di Siberia sebelumnya. Beberapa pembicara Na-deacuteneacute kemudian pindah ke Amerika Serikat barat daya saat ini, di mana keturunan mereka dikenal sebagai Apel dan Navajo. Sebuah migrasi terakhir leluhur Inuit (Eskimo) dan orang Aleut dimulai sekitar 4.500 tahun yang lalu dan menyebabkan pendudukan mereka di Alaska pesisir serta daerah terlarang dan sebelumnya tidak berpenghuni di atas Lingkaran Arktik di Kanada dan Greenland. Pada akhir Zaman Es sekitar sepuluh ribu tahun yang lalu, semua manusia hidup sebagai pemburu, pengumpul, dan pemancing. Band-band yang sangat mobile dari Indian Amerika yang hidup kemudian di tempat yang sekarang Amerika Serikat umumnya disebut sebagai Paleo-Indians. Mengubah kondisi lingkungan dan pendahuluan manusia mendorong banyak hewan permainan Zaman Es besar untuk punah saat gletser mundur dan lingkungan beralih ke kondisi modern. Seiring kondisi stabil, populasi India menjadi kurang bergerak, berada dalam jangkauan teritorial, dan mengembangkan teknologi dan organisasi sosial khusus untuk eksploitasi sumber makanan yang tersedia secara efisien. Hal ini menyebabkan berkembangnya habitat di lokasi-lokasi utama dan diversifikasi regional bertahap dari apa yang sebelumnya merupakan budaya yang umumnya seragam. Meningkatnya familiarization dengan sumber daya lokal pada akhirnya menyebabkan domestikasi parsial makanan nabati liar. Misalnya, di Hutan Timur, labu asli, bunga matahari, goosefoot, sumpweed, knotweed, maygrass, dan jelai kecil semuanya dibawa di bawah domestikasi pada milenium kedua SM. Di sepanjang Pantai Barat Laut, masyarakat India mengintensifkan eksploitasi, penyimpanan, dan redistribusi sumber musiman, kebanyakan dari mereka adalah maritim. Populasi tetap kurus di gurun barat dan di ujung utara. Variasi lingkungan jelas merupakan penentu utama arah spesifik yang diambil oleh budaya India di seluruh benua saat mereka tumbuh dan berkembang. Indian Amerika Utara dibatasi oleh kurangnya hewan peliharaan hewan yang sesuai. Kuda-kuda asli Amerika telah punah, dan mungkin saja mereka tidak cocok untuk domestikasi, dan tidak ada hewan lain yang bisa melakukan hal itu sebagai sumber pemasukan, wol, susu, daging, traksi, atau transportasi domestik di Amerika Utara. Amerika. Fakta ini membatasi perubahan teknologi dan memaksa ketergantungan pada permainan liar untuk daging, kulit, dan serat hewan. Tidak adanya hewan yang setara dengan lembu hutan mencegah pengembangan bajak dan kendaraan beroda serta peternak tanaman berumput mirip dengan gandum dan jelai Eurasia, yang memerlukan teknologi bajak. Penduduk asli Inggris mendukung pengembangan budaya Adena di Ohio selatan sekarang dan sebagian dari empat negara bagian yang berdekatan sekitar 700 SM. Adena terkenal karena gundukan pemakaman besar yang mengandung persembahan kuburan berkualitas tinggi. Di antaranya adalah pipa tubular dan bukti lain bahwa tembakau, yang semula merupakan rumah tangga Amerika Selatan, telah menyebar ke Amerika Utara saat ini. Beberapa penguburan Adena bergaya terpencil terjadi sejauh timur New Jersey dan sejauh timur laut Vermont. Adena berlangsung sampai sekitar tahun A. 1. Semakin baik harapan baik pekerjaan tanah muncul sekitar 100 SM. Dalam wilayah Adena Ini terkadang mencakup pekerjaan tanah geometris yang sangat besar di daerah inti Ohio selatan. Hopewell berlangsung sampai sekitar tahun 350 M., bertelurnya budaya pembangunan gundukan derivatif di wilayah Danau Besar yang lebih rendah, di sekitar Danau Michigan, dan di lembah Sungai Mississippi dan anak sungai utamanya dari Minnesota selatan ke Teluk Meksiko. Gundukan pemakaman akhirnya dibangun di seluruh Hutan Timur dan padang rumput timur Amerika Serikat, kecuali wilayah pesisir New England dan Atlantik Tengah-Atlantik. Beberapa contoh akhir di Wisconsin dan sebagian negara bagian yang berdekatan dibangun sebagai patung hewan besar. Nasib tanaman yang pertama kali ditanam di selatan akhirnya menghasilkan beberapa kekurangan alami. Jagung dikembangkan di Meksiko sebagai tanaman domestikasi yang menghasilkan banyak benih besar dari jumlah tanaman yang relatif kecil yang dapat digunakan dengan teknik tangan. Kacang, yang dijinakkan di Amerika Selatan, memiliki karakteristik yang sama dan memberikan pengganti protein daging secara parsial. Ini menyebar ke utara oleh petani India bersama dengan strain squash yang unggul, yang menyebabkan perubahan ekonomi utama di Amerika Utara bagian timur setelah A.D. 800. Strain dari milisi ini juga mencapai Southwest Amerika oleh mungkin pada awal 300 SM. Di sini mereka membuat gurun pasir dan padang pasir yang hampir produktif bagi petani, dan budaya desa Pueblo muncul. Tiga tradisi budaya besar, Anasazi, Mogollon, dan Hohokam, berpusat di Arizona sekarang dan New Mexico, dengan perpanjangan oleh dua yang pertama mencapai bagian tetangga Amerika Serikat dan Meksiko. Budaya Hohokam memanfaatkan irigasi tanaman intensif. Tradisi Patayan kecil berkembang ke barat, sebagian di California, dan budaya Fremont berkembang di Utah. Rumput laut benua tetap padang rumput karena, seperti telah kita lihat, petani India kekurangan daya tarik yang diperlukan untuk membajak. Hanya lembah sungai padang rumput yang mendukung pertanian sebelum kedatangan orang Eropa, karena tanah aluvialnya dapat dibudidayakan dengan peralatan tangan. Rumput laut dan dataran tinggi adalah tempat floresensi budaya hanya setelah kuda peliharaan yang diperkenalkan oleh pastoralisme buatan Spanyol mungkin dilakukan. Munculnya kepala suku di Hutan Timur terjadi setelah tahun 800 M. dengan diperkenalkannya jenis baru jagung dan hewan piaraan lainnya. Kota-kota besar muncul dengan gundukan platform datar yang dengan jelas menunjukkan pengaruh arsitektur perkembangan di Meksiko tengah. Empat varian regional di Tenggara, semuanya dikenal sebagai Mississippian, masing-masing disebut sebagai Middle, South Appalachian, Caddoan, dan Plaquemine Mississippian. Varian utara dikenal sebagai Oneota dan Fort Ancient. Indian Amerika yang tinggal di utara Great Lakes, di Dataran Tinggi, Great Basin, California, dan sepanjang pantai barat utara tetap menjadi pemburu dan pengumpul di seluruh era pra-Kolumbia. Populasi di sana rata-rata pada umumnya rendah, rata-rata kurang dari satu orang per seratus kilometer persegi. Mereka yang tinggal di sepanjang Pantai Barat dan di beberapa bagian pedalaman California, bagaimanapun, menikmati kelimpahan alami sehingga memiliki kepadatan penduduk yang lebih tinggi dibandingkan dengan petani Eastern Woodlands. Masyarakat yang terperinci di Pantai Barat Laut sangat penting untuk seni mereka yang sangat maju dan sistem sosiopolitik yang canggih. Perubahan iklim dalam beberapa abad terakhir dari era pra-Kolumbia menyebabkan ditinggalkannya banyak desa pertanian di Barat Daya, serta nukleasi desa dan persaingan yang semakin ketat yang menyebabkan peperangan intensif di banyak wilayah di Hutan Timur. Amerika Utara pada akhir era pra-Kolumbia adalah mosaik budaya dari ratusan negara Indian Amerika yang berbicara bahasa yang berbeda dan mengikuti jalur kehidupan mulai dari band-band kecil hingga cabang-cabang besar yang disusun berdasarkan pertanian intensif. Semua aspek budaya Indian Amerika menunjukkan variasi regional dan temporal yang cukup besar. Perkiraan yang dapat diandalkan dari jumlah keseluruhan populasi Indian Amerika Utara di utara Meksiko pada tahun 1492 diperkirakan sekitar 2,2 juta. Bibliografi. William Sturtevant, ed. Buku Pegangan Indian Amerika Utara, 10 jilid. Sampai saat ini, 1978-. Michael Coe, Dekan Salju, dan Elizabeth Benson, Atlas Amerika Kuno, 1986. Alice B. Kehoe, Indian Amerika Utara: Akun Komprehensif, 1992. Sejarah dan Budaya India: Distribusi Kelompok-Kelompok Utama, sekitar 1500 Sekitar tahun 1500 M, sekitar empat Seratus bahasa Indian Amerika yang berbeda dan saling tidak dimengerti bisa diucapkan di bagian Amerika Utara yang terletak di utara Meksiko. Umumnya, setiap bahasa diucapkan oleh anggota masyarakat tradisional yang cukup terdefinisi dengan baik. Masyarakat ini bervariasi dari yang kecil tapi tersebar luas di daerah dengan produktivitas rendah alami sampai daerah padat dan besar di daerah di mana pertanian dipraktekkan. Keturunan banyak masih bertahan, dan referensi ke masyarakat dalam bentuk lampau dalam esai ini tidak harus berarti bahwa mereka punah. Benua ini dapat dengan mudah dibagi menjadi sebelas area budaya, masing-masing memiliki seperangkat praktik subsisten yang khas, tipe permukiman, gaya rumah, sistem sosial, dan organisasi politik. Bahasa Indian Amerika Utara dapat dikelompokkan menjadi tidak kurang dari dua puluh satu keluarga, bentuk terakhir dari diversifikasi bahasa yang membutuhkan waktu lima belas ribu tahun untuk dikembangkan. Lebih dari tiga puluh bahasa adalah isolat unik yang tidak memiliki kerabat yang diketahui atau punah dan sangat tidak dikenal sehingga tidak dapat dikelompokkan dengan yang lain. Karena bahasa tak tertulis melestarikan petunjuk tentang hubungan mereka dengan bahasa terkait paling banyak beberapa ribu tahun, mungkin tidak mungkin menelusuri hubungan kuno antara bahasa bahasa dan keluarga bahasa yang terkenal sekalipun. Ketika Hernando de Soto memulai penjelajahannya di Hutan Tenggara pada tahun 1539, dia bertemu dengan kota-kota besar dengan plaza pusat dan gundukan platform tanah dikelilingi oleh tempat tinggal dan ladang jagung, kacang-kacangan, dan squash. Budidaya cenderung dilakukan pada tanah subur yang kaya, mudah digarap, endapan di dataran banjir sungai yang luas, sering di dekat danau oxbow dan area produktivitas pangan alami lainnya. Banyak masyarakat diorganisir secara politis sebagai kepala sekolah, beberapa memiliki masyarakat berdasarkan prinsip matrilineal, beberapa didasarkan pada patrilineal. Muskogean dan Caddoan adalah bahasa utama keluarga di wilayah ini, walaupun ada juga perwakilan keluarga Siouan dan Iroquoian. Kawasan ini merupakan salah satu yang pertama mengalami depopulasi karena penyakit cacar dan penyakit lainnya yang menyebar dari Eropa pada abad keenam belas. The Northeastern Woodlands mendukung pertanian yang kurang intensif. Pertanian tebang-dan-bakar dataran tinggi dipraktekkan di Danau Besar dan daerah selatan New England yang lebih rendah, sementara pengumpulan padi liar didominasi di sekitar Great Lakes bagian atas. Sebagian besar masyarakat berbicara bahasa Iroquoian atau Algonquian di daerah budaya ini. Pembicara Algonquian, yang juga tersebar luas di Kanada timur, berada di tempat lebih awal dari para pembicara Iroquoian. Yang terakhir ini masuk ke wilayah ini dari Appalachian pusat, membawa serta mereka rumah tangga dan komunitas rumah panjang yang diorganisir di sepanjang garis matrilineal. Pertanian kemudian menyebar ke penduduk Algonquia di selatan New England. Penyakit Eropa mencapai Northeast lebih lambat daripada Tenggara namun dengan efek yang menghancurkan bahkan sebelum eksplorasi Eropa, kita hanya tahu sedikit tentang orang India di Ohio Valley bagian atas pada periode ini. Sebelum diperkenalkannya kuda yang dijinakkan, dataran tinggi Great Plains ditempati oleh band pengumpul pemburu mobile, setidaknya beberapa di antaranya merupakan penutur bahasa Kiowa-Tanoan. Lembah kayu dari anak-anak sungai barat utama di Sungai Mississippi, khususnya Sungai Missouri, ditempati oleh petani tak berpindah-pindah yang pindah ke hulu dari Hutan Timur di akhir era pra-Columbus. Ini terutama pembicara bahasa Caddoan dan Siouan. Orang-orang pertanian ini biasanya tinggal di desa-desa dengan pondok-pondok besar keluarga berukuran besar, dan ada pula yang sangat matrilineal. Pemburu berbahasa Algonquian tersebar tipis di seluruh wilayah budaya Kanada bagian timur, termasuk wilayah utara New England dan Maritime Provinces. Band seluler kecil biasanya diorganisir sepanjang garis patrilineal atau bilateral. Mereka yang tinggal di dekat pantai memiliki akses ke sumber makanan yang melimpah dan sering tinggal di desa penyedot kulit kayu setidaknya untuk sebagian tahun ini. Wilayah budaya Kanada barat diduduki oleh para pembicara dari berbagai bahasa Na-deacuteneacute, sebagian besar disebut Athapaskan. Seperti orang-orang di Kanada timur, mereka adalah pemburu-pengumpul yang tinggal di band-band mobile kecil. Beberapa Athapaskans memisahkan diri dan bermigrasi ke Southwest di akhir era pra-Columbus, di mana mereka kemudian dikenal sebagai orang Apache dan Navajo. Para petani Pueblo yang tinggal di Southwest, sisa-sisa tradisi besar wilayah yang berkembang selama era pra-Columbus, terdiri dari empat keluarga bahasa: Uto-Aztecan, Hokan, Keresan, dan Kiowa-Tanoan. Satu bahasa, Zuni, menentang klasifikasi. Desa Pueblo secara tradisional dibangun dari batu atau adobe, dan banyak masyarakat berprofil matrilineal yang dibangun di sekitar klan dan upacara musiman yang rumit. Kekeringan yang berkepanjangan memaksa mereka semua untuk mengontrak wilayah mereka sebelum tahun 1500, sebuah perubahan yang memfasilitasi imigrasi pembicara Athapaskan dari utara. Desa-desa di Barat Daya Pueblo tetap terkenal karena arsitektur dan keramiknya. The Great Basin adalah daerah gersang yang tidak banyak mendukung pertanian sekitar tahun 1500 M. Hampir semua penghuni kawasan budaya ini adalah pembicara Uto-Aztecan yang tinggal di band-band mobile kecil. California sekarang, bagian utara dari bagian itu yang merupakan bagian dari wilayah budaya Great Basin atau Southwest, memiliki produktivitas alami yang tinggi. Lebih dari empat puluh negara tinggal di wilayah kesukuan yang kecil dan berpenduduk padat. Tak satu pun dari mereka berlatih pertanian, tapi semua telah menguraikan teknik khusus untuk memanen sumber daya lokal yang melimpah yang merupakan makanan pokok virtual dalam makanan mereka. Sumber daya yang kaya dan liar bervariasi dari makanan nabati, seperti biji pohon ek, hingga makanan laut. Manajemen sumber daya pangan jangka panjang hampir mengubah beberapa dari mereka menjadi anggota rumah tangga. Suku-suku di California berbicara bahasa-bahasa yang terdiri dari setidaknya tujuh keluarga, termasuk kantong-kantong kecil dari beberapa keluarga bahasa yang banyak berbicara jauh di luar California. Pantai Barat Laut, seperti California, ditandai oleh sekitar empat puluh suku dan kepala suku yang independen yang menunjukkan keragaman budaya dan bahasa yang cukup besar. Ada delapan keluarga kelas di daerah budaya dan beberapa bahasa yang sekarang tidak dapat diklasifikasikan. Sumber daya maritim yang kaya memungkinkan pengembangan kota-kota besar yang tidak banyak tempat. Bagian utama dari bagian tengah pantai terkenal dengan rumah multifamily mereka dan karya seni totem-tiang cedar yang rumit. Area budaya Plateau interior terletak di antara pegunungan pesisir Pantai Barat Laut dan kawasan Pegunungan Rocky. Sebagian besar suku di dataran tinggi tinggal di sepanjang anak sungai Columbia dan Sungai Fraser dan berbicara bahasa Sahaptain, Salishan, dan Na-deacuteneacute yang terkait dengan bahasa-bahasa keluarga yang sama di sepanjang Pantai Barat Laut. Mereka kebanyakan adalah pemburu-pengumpul yang menikmati sumber daya yang cukup kaya sehingga memungkinkan beberapa dari mereka tinggal di pondok-pondok tanah permanen paling tidak sepanjang tahun. Pesisir Alaska, Kanada utara, dan Greenland semuanya terletak di dalam wilayah budaya Arktik, yang penduduknya semua berbicara bahasa keluarga Eskimo-Aleut. Pada tahun 1500, semua bagian yang dihuni di Kutub Utara di timur Alaska ditempati oleh orang-orang Inuit yang berbicara dialek dari satu bahasa, konsekuensi dari ekspansi migrasi mereka yang cepat dari utara Alaska beberapa abad sebelumnya. Alaska sendiri, yang telah lama ditempati, jauh lebih beragam, baik secara kultural maupun bahasa. Orang-orang Arktik tinggal di band keluarga kecil yang bergantung pada teknologi ringan namun sangat dijabarkan untuk bertahan hidup di lingkungan yang keras. Panggangan haram, dogled, busur majemuk, dan kayak hanyalah beberapa contoh kecerdikan teknologinya. Amerika Utara pada malam eksplorasi dan penjajahan Eropa, singkatnya, merupakan wilayah budaya India yang beragam dan kaya yang berbeda secara luas dalam segala hal, termasuk bahasa, organisasi sosial, dan sarana subsisten. Itu adalah keragaman yang sesuai dengan keragaman budaya pendatang baru dari seberang Atlantik. Interaksi selanjutnya menghasilkan mosaik budaya yang kompleks yang bertahan sampai sekarang. William Sturtevant, ed. Buku Pegangan Indian Amerika Utara, 10 jilid. Sampai saat ini, 1978-. Alice B. Kehoe, Indian Amerika Utara: Akun Komprehensif, 1992. Sejarah dan Budaya India: Dari 1500 sampai 1800 orang-orang Aborigin masuk ke Hutan Timur (di sini didefinisikan), Michael Coe, Dean Snow, dan Elizabeth Benson, Atlas of Ancient America, Secara luas sebagai daerah yang dibatasi oleh Samudra Atlantik, Sungai St. Lawrence dan Mississippi, dan Teluk Meksiko) sekitar sepuluh ribu tahun yang lalu. Pada akhir abad ke-15, mungkin 500.000 penduduk Amerindian tinggal di daerah tersebut, walaupun perkiraannya paling tinggi dugaannya. Mereka dibagi menjadi beberapa band, masing-masing menganggap dirinya sebagai orang yang berbeda. Bahasa Algonquia didominasi (diucapkan oleh Abenakis, Delawares, dan Ojibwas, antara lain), bersama dengan Iroquoian (Five Nations, Hurons, Cherokees), Muskogean (Creeks, Choctaws, Appalachees), Siouan (Catawbas), dan Timucuan (Potamos). Amerindian Life and Social Institutions sekitar tahun 1500. Dengan beberapa pengecualian, Woodlands Amerindians tinggal di desa-desa yang terdiri dari beberapa ratus penduduk. Sebagian besar hidup terutama pada tanaman budidaya, terutama jagung, kacang-kacangan, dan squash, melengkapi makanan mereka dengan perburuan daging dan makanan laut yang terjadi di utara St. Lawrence dan sepanjang Sungai Ohio, seperti halnya memancing di pesisir Florida dan selatan New England. Desa-desa terdiri dari keluarga-keluarga yang dikelompokkan menjadi dua atau lebih klan, yang menyediakan keramahan untuk mengunjungi kerabat dan, dengan tidak adanya sistem hukum statistika, berfungsi sebagai polisi, membalas dendam pada keluarga. Tanah kayu masyarakat tidak mengumpulkan banyak kekayaan material atau mengembangkan kelas bertingkat. Band-band dikepalai oleh kepala sipil yang mendapat saran dari orang tua, dewan, atau kadang-kadang semua orang dewasa. Karena tidak memiliki kekuatan fisik dan karena itu tidak dapat memaksa perilaku individu, pemimpin malah memerintah dengan kekuatan kepribadian dan contoh. Panglima militer, yang terpilih untuk meraih keberanian, menjadi kapten untuk berburu dan berperang. Perang, memperjuangkan kehormatan atau balas dendam daripada kekayaan atau wilayah, mewabah namun tidak terlalu mematikan. Desa-desa bergabung dalam struktur dengan berbagai ukuran dan kompleksitas, mulai dari suku-suku yang menggabungkan beberapa kota dengan kepala pemerintahan yang memegang otoritas yang setara dengan kepala suku utama yang mengintegrasikan berbagai kelompok band dan kerabat yang diatur oleh hierarki kepala peringkat. Ekstensif polities yang langka. Kadang di abad keenam belas, Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, dan Mohawks membentuk Liga Iroquois untuk menghentikan perseteruan darah di antara mereka pada akhir abad ini, Powhatan menciptakan tokoh utama di antara Sungai Yakobus Algonquia dengan paksa, intimidasi. , Dan negosiasi dan pada abad kedelapan belas, Cherokee mengembangkan konfederasi untuk mengkoordinasikan kebijakan menuju koloni Inggris. Amerindia melakukan beberapa tugas tanpa melibatkan roh-roh (manitous, sebuah kata Algonquian), yang diyakini mendiami dunia dan memberikan kekuasaan kepada penghuninya. Cara yang tepat mensyaratkan membangun hubungan saling menghormati dengan setiap makhluk perilaku seperti itu akan memaksimalkan potensi seseorang. Desa melakukan ritual komunal untuk berterima kasih dan memohon semangat. Pilih individu (dukun) memperoleh kekuatan magis dan penyembuhan yang luar biasa dari roh, tapi tidak ada kasta klerus khusus yang ada, dan setiap orang dapat berkomunikasi dengan orang secara langsung. Kontak Awal dengan orang Eropa. Kontak berulang antara Woodlands Amerindian dan orang Eropa pertama kali terjadi pada abad keenam belas. Sepanjang pesisir Atlantik Utara, mereka bersifat sporadis. Orang Algonquia di Kanada timur dan New England saling bertukar barang dengan nelayan yang mengeringkan tangkapannya. Iroquoians dan Algonquians menyambut Jacques Cartiers tiga kali kunjungan di St. Lawrence antara tahun 1534 dan 1542, namun orang Prancis itu tidak kembali selama lebih dari setengah abad. Orang-orang tenggara mengalami gangguan yang jauh lebih besar, serangan terhadap Paacutenfilo de Narvaacuteez (1527-1528) dan Hernando de Soto (1539-1542) memicu banyak bentrokan, dan di belakang mereka, daerah-daerah sangat penting runtuh. Alasan kematian mereka tidak sepenuhnya jelas, namun penyakit memainkan peran utama, seperti yang terjadi dalam meniadakan pemukiman asli di seluruh belahan bumi. Setelah ada di lingkungan penyakit statis selama ribuan tahun, orang Amerindian tidak memiliki kekebalan terhadap patogen Dunia Lama dan cepat menderita penyakit cacar dan pernafasan. Epidemi epidemi tanah melanda kohort usia paling produktif yang paling sulit dan korban selamat yang tersisa tidak dapat mempertahankan diri mereka sendiri. Beberapa ilmuwan berpendapat bahwa populasi asli mungkin telah menurun hingga 90 persen dalam satu abad setelah kontak dengan jumlah pastinya, pandemi melonggarkan pegangan penduduk pribumi di tanah mereka lebih banyak daripada faktor lainnya. Selama abad ke tujuh belas, orang Amerindian harus menghadapi serbuan Eropa di sepanjang seluruh papan laut Atlantik. Di sekitar Sungai St. Lawrence dan Great Lakes, Algonquians dan Hurons memasuki jaringan kerja bersih ekstensif dengan Prancis. Ribuan orang masuk Katolik Roma, beberapa dibaptis oleh Yesuit saat mereka terbaring sekarat, yang lain karena membawa salib tersebut memberi mereka akses yang lebih besar ke senjata api. Keuntungan perdagangan bulu menarik perhatian Lima Bangsa, Huron meniru musuh, yang berusaha untuk mengambil alih perdagangan dan yang pada tahun 1649 menghancurkan Huronia, beberapa di antaranya yang selamat bergabung kembali sebagai Wyandots. Lima Bangsa, khususnya Mohawks, membawa pelelehan mereka ke Fort Orange (kemudian Albany), yang awalnya dihuni oleh Perusahaan Hindia Barat Belanda, yang jauh lebih tertarik pada kulit daripada jiwa. Pada awalnya, Algonquians dari Hudson Valley yang lebih rendah hidup berdampingan secara damai dengan New Netherland. Seiring bertambahnya jumlah petani dan penggunaan lahan kesukuan meningkat, Belanda mencoba mengendalikan gerakan pribumi lebih dekat, dan perang pecah pada tahun 1643-1645, yang melemahkan kedua suku sungai dan koloni tersebut, yang jatuh ke Inggris pada tahun 1664. Di dalam Koloni Inggris, Amerindians menghadapi penjajah yang membangun permukiman pertanian yang lebih luas daripada Eropa lainnya dan yang karenanya merupakan ancaman terbesar bagi tanah air. Algonquians adalah marjinal bagi ekonomi komersial dan spiritual New Englands, jumlah hewan berbulu bulu tidak dapat mendukung perangkap intensif untuk jangka panjang, dan juga visi Puritan untuk membangun masyarakat yang saleh membuat orang-orang kafir menjadi prioritas utama. Wampanoag terus berdamai dengan Inggris selama lebih dari lima puluh tahun sampai, karena takut dicabut, mereka merekrut Narragansetts dan orang Algonquia lainnya menjadi aliansi pan-kesukuan yang menghancurkan New England dalam Perang Metacoms (1675-1676), yang disebut King Philip's War Oleh koloni. The conflict retarded English settlement for decades but also wrecked the tribes capac ity for further resistance. Around Chesapeake Bay, the Powhatans soon determined that the Virginians desire for tobacco soils endangered their domain, and they launched major strikes in 1622 and 1644 to expel the invaders. The Virginians persevered, despite suffering significant casualties, and by the late seventeenth century had subdued the coastal tribes. Spanish Franciscans gathered Guales of the Georgia coast, along with Timucuans and Appalachees in northern Florida, around doctrinas, church compounds circumscribed by native villages that contributed crops and labor. Disease and the Timucuan Rebellion of 1656 stunted the interior missions, and the English and Creeks destroyed the Guale outposts in 1702-1704. Amerindians, the Atlantic Economy, and Imperial Conflicts. By the eighteenth century, the Eastern Woodlands peoples were inextricably tangled in two profound dynamics. First, exchanging furs for European textiles, metal goods, alcohol, and weapons had integrated them into the transatlantic market economy. Dependent on European commodities that they could neither reproduce nor replace because they had lost an cient skills, natives had to secure continuing access to colonial merchants. Second, rivalry between Great Britain, France, and Spain forced them to choose sides during the wars fought between 1689 and 1763 to control North America. Amerindians who lived near the colonies of two or more European nations could tease concessions from one side by threatening to do business with another, but none could disengage from imperial affairs. The tensions of dealing with aggressive states that were also sources of vital goods split many peoples between accommodationists, who believed that bands could best preserve their autonomy by coexisting with Europeans, and nativists willing to risk war. Stirred by prophets who decried Amerindians departure from the old ways and their consequent loss of spiritual power, nativists urged armed struggle against encroach ment and the complete rejection of European culture. Pontiac s Rebellion (1763-1765), a pan-tribal nativist movement instigated by the Delaware prophet Neolin (although named for an Ottawa chief), pressured the British to resume giving native allies gifts, declare their lands off-limits to future settlement, and issue a schedule of fair trade prices. Soon, however, the situation of Woodlands peoples deteriorated. Britains triumph in the Seven Years War (also known as the French and Indian War) gave it hegemony over the East ern Woodlands and undermined tribes ability to play foes against each other. The Revolutionary War created a single national state that asserted sovereignty over virtually the entire area and upheld its citizens rights to acreage within its borders. The United States regarded native peoples--most of whom had fought with Great Britain to curtail further American expansion--as either individuals to assimilate or as obstacles to overcome, but in any case as parties whose claims to autonomy and territory should not be largely credited. Tribal coalitions continued to resist, but the evacuation of British and Spanish troops from American soil during the 1790s made foreign aid more difficult for Woodlands peoples to obtain, and the last great uprising east of the Mississippi--led by the Shawnee chief Tecumseh and his half brother, the prophet Tenskwatawa --was defeated in 1811, after which Amerindians had little remaining means to oppose land cessions and westward removal. Marginalized within the United States, the surviving natives nevertheless maintained their cultural integrity. The incipient sense of belonging to a larger racial or cultural group articulated during nativist movements would crystallize in the late twentieth century around the terms Native Americans and First Nations. Bibliography. Neal Salisbury, Manitou and Providence: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of New England, 1500-1643, 1982. Ian Steele, Warpaths: Invasions of North America 1994. James Merrell, The Indians New World: Catawbas and Their Neighbors from European Contact through the Era of Removal, 1989. Gregory Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745-1815, 1991. Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815, 1991. James Axtell, Beyond 1492: Encounters in Colonial North America, 1992. Daniel Richter, The Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples of the Iroquois League in the Era of European Colonization, 1992. Colin Calloway, The American Revolution in Indian Country, 1995. Colin Calloway, New Worlds for All: Indians, Europeans, and the Remaking of Early America, 1997. Charles L. Cohen Indian History and Culture: From 1800 to 1900 Nineteenth-century American history might read like an unrelieved tragedy for native peoples if their actions and adaptations were not spotlighted. However, they were not simply victims. They actively participated in this history and affected its course and outcome. Post-Revolutionary Euroamerican Expansion and Indian Migration. The Revolutionary War and the subsequent defeat of the British in the War of 1812 created an unprecedented situation for North Americas native peoples. Never again could they play one European power against another. No longer would any nation regard their sovereignty in the North American interior as crucial for preserving peace and enhancing trade. Expansion underlay the U.S. agenda any protection of native rights was a temporary deviation from that greater goal. While land acquisition and explosive population growth brought opportunity and prosperity to white Americans, it dispossessed and impoverished the native people. The close of the nineteenth century coincided with the nadir of the indigenous population. Most native groups had allied with the British during the Revolutionary War, but they were too powerful to be treated as conquered enemies. The U.S. government, small, weak, and bankrupt, was in no position to dictate terms to native people. To avoid costly wars, Congress passed between 1790 and 1834 a series of Trade and Intercourse Acts regulating interaction with Indians. Native people would have sovereignty in Indian Country intruders would be expelled. Only the federal government could buy Indian land. Traders were to be licensed and alcohol prohibited. The United States even established a nonprofit, credit-free, alcohol-free trading enterprise to wean native allies from British traders still in Canada. The inherent contradiction between the dual goals of acquiring land and keeping the peace doomed the formula to failure. A series of Pre-emption Acts promised land titles to squatters who made improvements. The overriding objective of expansion could not have been more clear. Accustomed to collective land stewardship and consensus politics, native groups learned through hard experience the many strategems Euroamericans would use to acquire their land. Speculators preyed upon unauthorized individuals ready to sell land. Bolstered by Pre-emption Acts, squatters in truded illegally. U.S. negotiators sought land cessions at every turn: to liquidate trade debts in return for money, goods, and services to be distributed annually (annuities) and as retribution against groups that resorted to military defiance. The United States claimed jurisdiction over huge parcels like the Louisiana Purchase and the Gadsden Purchase through deals with various European nations. It claimed the Southwest, Northwest, and California through wars with European nations. Despite the clear overall policy of expansion, government representatives dealt with the thousands of native inhabitants largely on an ad hoc basis. Treaties avoided costly wars, but military conquest and even genocide awaited recalcitrant tribes. Whatever appeared in print, U.S. policy toward native people was in reality one of expediency. Many native groups migrated west to avoid direct conflict. The Ohio Valley and Great Lakes areas teemed with refugees, prompting others to move onto the Great Plains and hunt bison astride horses reintroduced into the Americas by Europeans centuries before. In the early nineteenth century, portions of southeastern groups chose to transplant themselves west of the Mississippi River, to present-day Oklahoma and Kansas, at least temporarily escaping settler incursions. Economic and Cultural Interactions. But migration alone could not extricate native peoples from interaction with Euroamericans. For centuries they had traded peltry and environ mental produce for European manufactured goods like copper pots, knives, hatchets, guns and ammunition, cloth, and beads. Although this trade enriched native economic, artistic, and spiritual lives, it complicated their political lives, as commerce and diplomacy with Euroamericans and other natives drew men farther away from home and increased the potential for conflict and military confrontations. Along with material exchange came intermarriage and cultural borrowing, especially in areas where amicable trade persisted the longest, such as the western Great Lakes, central Canada, and the interior Southeast. Traders relied on relationships with native women to cement trade alliances and to acquaint themselves with the cultural and environmental conditions. Growing numbers of people of mixed descent fostered biculturalism and served as cultural brokers. Traders had to accept a nexus of reciprocal rituals embedded in kinship networks. They learned to give presents and demonstrate concern for group welfare. They adopted native items like canoes and snowshoes and relied on native food supplies. European-manufactured goods often had native counterparts. Knives, hatchets, and cloth were improvements, not in novations. Trade goods could even be used for entirely different purposes copper pots, for example, might be cut up for ornamentation. Beads, following upon quill work, brought a flo rescence of artistic expression. Firearms, however, intensified deadly violence in intertribal conflicts. Alcohol, the perfect trade good because it was totally consumed, also exacerbated social conflict, especially among uprooted and dislocated groups. Increasingly in the nineteenth century, treaty-annuity cash fueled a booming liquor trade in every frontier community west of the Mississippi River, despite federal prohibitions against selling alcohol in Indian Country. Over generations, native people came to understand credit and debt and learned to equate goods with a standard based on pelts. Those of mixed descent from fur-trade families learned market ways especially well and became petty merchants after the collapse of the regional fur trade. In the Southeast, they kept step with the local economy by opening inns, mills, taverns, ferries, and toll roads, and even by establishing large plantations with African slaves. They extended their mediating skills into the reservation era, becoming outspoken politicians, though their interests often deviated from those of more conservative members of the group. However, the encroaching agricultural frontier degraded the environment. As game was depleted, native people functioned as intermediaries, supplying manufactured goods to groups farther in the interior in exchange for pelts. Native middlemen faced a crisis when bypassed by Euroamerican traders. Having lost native craft skills, they found themselves dependent on Euroamericans with little to offer in return other than their land. Innovations in Governance, Religious Movements, and Pantribal Initiatives. Escalating land loss prompted many native groups to centralize their governance and ally across tribal lines. The Cherokees, subordinating village autonomy to the common goal of retaining their homeland, created a state modeled after the tripartite U.S. government. Selling land without national approval was treason, punishable by death. Other groups, too, modified governance by consensus in the interest of political centralization. Land pressures, combined with the onslaught of formal treaty negotiations with the United States, crystallized social units that had formerly been more fluid. Native people often sought spiritual solutions for the wrenching problems they faced. Prophets, often reformed alcoholics, experienced visions and conveyed instructions for reclaiming their society from degradation and despair. The more pragmatic the message, the greater was the likelihood of success. In 1799, as the Seneca of upstate New York were reeling from military defeat, land loss, and alcoholism, Handsome Lake began preaching a social and religious message that condemned alcohol, encouraged displaced men instead of women to farm, and subordinated the Senecas matrilineal social structure to one favoring nuclear families. He also urged revival of religious rituals and farming for subsistence instead of the market. Tenskwatawa, the Shawnee Prophet, however, at about the same time preached abstinence from all things Euroamerican. He encouraged all native people to assemble at Prophetstown, in northern Indiana. Unable to feed them, he secretly begged for supplies from the British. He claimed the ability to work miracles, but his followers nearly killed him when he failed to deliver. Equally unrealistic and unsuccessful was the Ghost Dance movement of the 1890s. Large population losses drew native groups across the Plains to the message of Wovoka. a Paiute. If the devout performed the Ghost Dance at intervals for four consecutive days and nights, Wovoka prophesied, a cataclysm would eliminate whites, return the former Plains ecosystem (especially buffalo), and resurrect the dead. The prophecy failed to materialize, and, tragically, more than 150 members of Big Foots Lakota band were massacred by the United States cavalry at Wounded Knee, South Dakota, in 1890. While Tenskwatawa held out spiritual solace through a return to Shawnee ways, diplomats representing his brother Tecumseh were recruiting allies from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico. For a brief historical moment, in the most famous pan-tribal initiative, were natives from Canada to the Southeast united to halt the American advance into what had been officially recognized as Indian Country, where tribes were sovereign nations. Disheartened when General William Henry Harrison defeated the native people gathered at Prophetstown, in 1811 Tecumseh abandoned his dream of a pan-Indian union. Forced Expulsion, Forced Assimilation. Neither political nor spiritual strategy could deliver native people from the power of the United States, which began to dictate terms that contradicted its own established policies. For example, despite the Cherokees success in establishing an elective, democratic government, achieving literacy in both English and Cherokee, establishing plantations, and winning favorable Supreme Court rulings, they were forcibly removed from their Georgia homeland in the later 1830s. On the trek west, between four thousand and eight thousand perished on what is remembered as the Trail of Tears. By 1850, most native people east of the Mississippi River had been relocated to Indian Territory, which resembled an ethnic crazy quilt of displaced groups. The discovery of gold in California in 1848 proved a momentous watershed for native people in the West. Hordes of single men stampeded to find fortune. Unrestrained by family, community, or church, they decimated the native population near the goldfields. California natives suffered the most complete genocide in U.S. history. The quest to link California and its gold to East Coast markets by an overland route placed intense pressures upon the native peoples of the Great Plains. The Oregon Trail split the immense buffalo herd in two. Westering emigrants denuded the countryside adjacent to the trails. As native inhabitants retaliated, the United States erected forts and violence escalated, with many innocent people caught in the cross fire. Most white Americans viewed Great Plains natives as obstacles. Attacks multiplied even against groups under the protection of the U.S. Army. The 1864 massacre of Dull Knifes band of friendly Cheyenne at Sand Creek, Colorado, symbolized the genocide of the bloody Plains Wars between 1850 and 1880. To subdue the Plains people, the U.S. cavalry destroyed their possessions and exterminated the buffalo upon which they depended. Policy-makers viewed reservations as temporary halfway houses on the road to assimilation. By the late nineteenth century, they were dismayed that many native people persisted in their customs and beliefs. Easterners hoping to assimilate In dians and westerners hoping to acquire reservation lands coalesced in 1887 to pass the Dawes Severalty Act. Each individual Indian would receive between 40 and 160 acres of land, to be held in trust by the government for twenty-five years while native owners learned how to manage real estate. Homesteaders could buy any land left over. Policy-makers believed that private property would transform Indians collective values their cultural traditions would soon follow. The Dawes Act disregarded treaty terms nationwide, except in the arid Southwest. Although some enterprising Indians favored allotment, the vast majority opposed it, but to no avail. In Worcester v. Georgia (1832), the Supreme Court had confirmed the absolute plenary power of the United States over native tribes, and Congress now fully exercised this right. At the same time, the government imposed a massive forced assimilation program on native people. Agents withheld goods and services unless individuals complied with every federal directive. They had to move onto their allotments, cut their hair, assume surnames, attend Christian services, wear citizens clothing, speak English, and, worst of all, send their children to distant boarding schools like Richard H. Pratts Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Pennsylvania. Boarding schools of fered vocational training. Half the day focused on rudimentary reading, writing, and math the other half involved cleaning, farming, chopping wood, and sewing. Children were steeped in military discipline and forced to wear uniforms and accept English names. Speaking native languages brought punishment. Some homesick students found peer-group support, but others ran away or committed suicide. Overcrowding spread diseases. Graveyards were a regular feature of school grounds. The formula for forced assimilation amounted to cultural genocide. But native adaptations did not simply mirror policy-makers demands. Some converted to Christianity others blended elements from both cultures. At the White Earth Reservation in Minnesota, Ojibwa Episcopal ministers preached and sang hymns in their own language. Mountain Wolf Woman, a Wisconsin Winnebago, practiced her traditional Medicine Lodge religion, attended Christian services, and was a devout Peyotist (a popular new syncretic religion emphasizing sobriety and using peyote as a sacrament). Son of a Star, a North Dakota Hidatsa, built a log cabin instead of an earth lodge but arranged furniture along the walls around the center wood stove. Men and women segregated themselves in customary fashion in relation to the door, on which a buffalo skull rested facing the rising sun. Others resisted change and secretly practiced religions like the Sun Dance away from the prying eyes of agents and missionaries. As for the 1887 Dawes Act, most native people did not have a chance to learn to manage their allotments as real estate. The 1906 Burke Act permitted competent individuals to sell their land, and many did. By 1917, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs was forcing unrestricted land titles on individuals without their consent. They were then subject to property taxes and lost the land through tax forfeiture. Local corporate interests and their political allies connived to defraud native people. By 1920, most native people had lost their land, further pauperizing the most impoverished American minority. The Situation in 1900. The year 1900 marked the nadir of the Indian population. Colonized, dispossessed, and infantilized by outsiders iron-clad political and economic control, ultimate extinction seemed inevitable to many observers. Even so, individual responses ranged along a spectrum, with most falling somewhere between the extremes. On one hand, assimilationists championed the Dakota Charles Eastman (1858-1939), a physician who graduated from Boston University Medical School. Daklugie (1872-1955), an Apache leader, represents the other extreme. Daklugie survived the genocidal wars against the Chiricahua Apache, imprisonment at an old fort in Florida, and incarceration at Carlisle Indian School. Once freed, he helped his people turn to cattle raising. Yet he shared the vision of his father, Juh. and despondently reported that the Apache had become Indeh --the dead. They had suffered military conquest and could no longer recognize themselves. History, for them, had stopped. That the native population began to increase after 1900 is testimony to their human resiliency and perseverance. Bibliography. Angie Debo, And Still the Waters Run: The Betrayal of the Five Civilized Tribes, 1940. Francis Paul Prucha, The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians, 2 vols. 1983. R. David Edmunds, Tecumseh and the Quest for Indian Leadership, 1984. Robert M. Utley, The Indian Frontier of the American West, 1846-1890, 1984. Albert L. Hurtado, Indian Survival on the California Frontier, 1988. Richard White, Its Your Misfortune and None of My Own: A New History of the American West, 1991. Anthony F. C. Wallace, The Long, Bitter Trail: Andrew Jackson and the Indians, 1993. K. Tsianina Lomawaima, They Called It Prairie Light: The Story of Chilocco Indian School, 1994. Melissa L. Meyer, The White Earth Tragedy: Ethnicity and Dispossession at a Minnesota Anishinaabe Reservation, 1889-1920, 1994. Melissa L. Meyer Indian History and Culture: From 1900 to 1950 Broad demographic, social, and cultural developments profoundly affected both American Indian tribes and individuals in the first half of the twentieth century, as they struggled to define a place for themselves in a changing America. Two different visions shaped that effort. While some sought to establish themselves and their families as full members of American society, others endeavored to retain distinctive tribal cultures, living within American society but not wholly a part of it. The most fundamental change during these five decades was demographic. After some four hundred years of decline from an aboriginal population of more than five million, the American Indian population in the United States sank to a nadir of only about 250,000 around 1900. By 1950, according to the U.S. census, the figure had increased to 357,000, as mortality declined significantly and births outnumbered deaths. Accompanying the numerical increases were declining percentages of full blood individuals within the American Indian population for example, 57 percent of American Indians enumerated in the 1910 census were full bloods, as compared with only 46 percent in 1930. Census data also reveal small but steady increases in the proportion of the Indian population residing in urban areas: In 1900, less than one-half of one percent of American Indians lived in urban areas by 1950, more than 13 percent did. This redistribution was in part a by-product of World War II, as returning Indian servicemen and -women settled in cities and towns rather than on reservations or in rural areas where they had lived formerly. A Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) relocation program that encouraged and assisted Indian people to relocate to urban areas, launched at midcentury, accelerated the urbanization process. Political developments in these decades affected American Indians as well. The Citizenship Act of 1934 made all American Indians in the United States citizens for the first time, and with citizenship came full voting privileges. The allotment of tribal lands to private owners, although primarily a phenomenon of the late nineteenth century, continued into the twentieth century, particularly in Oklahoma where the allotment of Cherokee lands went on until 1907. That same year the former Oklahoma Territory and Indian Territory merged to become the state of Oklahoma, thereby ending Oklahoma as a relocation area for Indian peoples from throughout the United States. Driving the allotment process were political and corporate desires for Indian lands. In some instances, such as in Oklahoma, acreage allotted to tribal members amounted to mere portions of former tribal land, with the rest allocated for settlement by non-Indians. Even allotted lands were not secure under individual Indian ownership. As a result of rampant fraud, individual allotments often fell into the hands of future land barons, speculators, and corporations. Allotment also undermined tribal life. American Indian groups that managed to retain tribal lands as reservations fared better as tribes. This included particularly Indians on the Plains and in the Southwest and West. The 1934 Indian Reorganization Act, acknowledging Indian tribes rights to organize for their common welfare, legitimated and codified tribal self-government under the watchful eyes if not the actual dictates of the BIA. This act, in turn, provided the basis for formal tribal constitutions governing the operations of the more than three hundred federally recognized tribes and more than two hundred federally recognized Alaskan Native villages. The early twentieth century also marked an era of social and cultural change for American Indians. The Chiricahua Apache Geronimo. the last of the true Indian warriors fighting for their land, was captured in 1886 and lived on in Oklahoma until his death in 1909. In 1911, an Indian named Ishi. the last of the Yahis, wandered into Oroville, California, and was taken to the University of California at Berkeley under the supervision of anthropologist Alfred L. Kroeber and others. Apotheosized as the last wild Indian, he died of tuberculosis in 1916. Symbolically, Ishis death marked the extinction of truly distinctive American Indian ways of life that had developed over many thousands of years. The portrayal of Indians in the movies and other popular-culture media reinforced the tendency to relegate them to Americas mythic past. While Geronimo and Ishi symbolized the past, other American Indians attained prominence in the early twentieth century for different reasons. The athlete Jim Thorpe (1888-1953) of Oklahoma, a descendant of Black Hawk. won fame at the 1912 Olympic Games and later played professional football. Other Indians constituted a cadre of intellectuals, operating on a newly established pan-Indian basis, who sought to define or redefine American Indians identity and their place in twentieth-century America. This group, including such diverse individuals as Charles Eastman, Carlos Montezuma. Mary Baldwin, Arthur C. Parker, and Henry Standing Bear, sought primarily to assimilate Indians into wider society. In large part, this intellectual cadre was a product of the system of Indian education that had gradually taken shape. Around 1900, more than two hundred government schools were operating on reservations, supplemented by state schools for Indian youth and some schools in the soon-to-be-ended Indian Territory, primarily under the auspices of the Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, and Seminole--the so-called Five Tribes. The Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania--where Jim Thorpe first won fame as a football player--dated to 1879. By 1925, however, doubts had arisen about the effectiveness of these schools in facilitating the movement of Indians into mainstream American life. The U.S. Senate established a commission to assess Indian education it was headed by Lewis Meriam of the University of Chicago. Meriams The Problem of Indian Administration, which became known as the Meriam Report, asserted in 1928 that the Indian problem is essentially an educational one, and called for a redirection of Indian education. Beginning in the 1930s, schools for American Indians became more sympathetic to Indian cultures and slowly incorporated Indian history and culture into the curriculum. As boarding schools and day schools declined, the emphasis by midcentury had almost wholly shifted to public-school education for Indian youth. While many intellectuals, educators, and government administrators sought to bring American Indians more fully into mainstream American society, other developments aimed at retaining a distinct Indian identity, even as the role of tribalism in Indian life declined. Although the Ghost Dance of the 1890s barely survived (in Oklahoma) into the early twentieth century, another new, pan-Indian religion, peyotism, also known as the Native American Church, became a mainstay for American Indians seeking to maintain a distinct culture. Peyotism remained prominent through midcentury and continued to flourish thereafter in Oklahoma, the Southwest, and other areas, offering hope for American Indians survival as a distinct people within the larger American society. Bibliography. Angie Debo, And Still the Waters Run: The Betrayal of the Five Civilized Tribes, 1940. Hazel W. Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity: Modern Pan-Indian Movements, 1971. Margaret Connell Szasz, Education and the American Indian: The Road to Self-Determination since 1928, 1979. Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History since 1942, 1987. Melissa L. Meyer, The White Earth Tragedy: Ethnicity and Dispossession at a Minnesota Anishinaabe Reservation, 1994. Nancy Shoemaker, American Indian Population Recovery in the Twentieth Century, 1999. Indian History and Culture: Since 1950 In the 1950s, the U.S. government attempted to assimilate Native Americans through treaty termination and relocation. In 1953, President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed into law a bill designed to annul federal treaties with Indian nations and to subject Indians to the same laws, and entitle them to the same privileges, rights, and responsibilities, as other citizens. Initiating procedures for ending federal supervision of Indians in California, Florida, New York, Texas, and specific tribes in other states, the legislation ordered the Secretary of the Interior to review existing treaties and statutes and recommend measures to end federal responsibility by 1 January 1954. A companion act in 1953 extended state laws over Indian reservations in Minnesota, Nebraska, Oregon, and Wisconsin. In 1951, the Interior Departments Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) launched an employment-assistance program that reset tled Native peoples from high-unemployment reservations to cities like Chicago, Denver, Los Angeles, and Oakland. After some job training on the reservation, people were taken to cities where BIA employees found them housing and employment. After the training and adjustment period, specialized government services ceased. Over 100,000 Indians were resettled through the relocation program, but it was controversial from the start some people relocated easily, while many others found the transition difficult and returned to their reservations. In the early 1960s, the John F. Kennedy administration largely ignored the termination policies and focused on Indian economic development, educational reform, vocational training, and housing. President Lyndon B. Johnson s Great Society legislation funneled more federal funds onto reservations than any previous programs. Head Start, the Job Corps, VISTA, and Upward Bound began operating on reservations. Pursuing a policy of self-determination, Johnsons Community Action Program authorized tribal governments to receive monies directly from the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) and to administer them without BIA supervision. A weakened BIA thus assumed an intermediary role between tribal governments and other federal agencies. In 1966, Robert Bennett (Oneida) became the first American Indian to head the BIA since Ely S. Parker (Seneca) in the 1870s. A career BIA employee, Bennett was a skilled administrator who knew many Indian leaders and worked effectively behind the scenes in the federal bureaucracy. In a message to Congress on Indian problems in 1968, Johnson rejected the termination approach and asserted that self-determination would erase old attitudes of paternalism. To coordinate the many agencies offering Indian services, Johnson appointed Vice President Hubert Humphrey to head the National Council on Indian Opportunity (NCIO). President Richard M. Nixon retained NCIO pledged to continue Johnsons self-determination policies and appointed a Republican Indian, Louis R. Bruce (Sioux-Mohawk), as Commissioner of Indian Affairs. In a 1970 message to Congress, Nixon rejected the termination policy and endorsed programs to improve education, health, and economic development on reservations and to increase support for urban Indian centers. The Indian Self-Determination Law (1974) set up procedures whereby Indian tribes could manage federal programs on their lands. The civil-rights era brought an upsurge in Indian militancy. In the mid-1960s, despite complaints from commercial and sport fishermen, Native fisherman in Washington State asserted their treaty rights to fish in the usual and accustomed places along the Nisqually River. In 1974, the federal courts upheld Native fishing rights in the Pacific Northwest. (Similar struggles for fishing rights would erupt in Minnesota and Wisconsin in the 1980s.) Occupying Alcatraz Island in San Francisco Bay in November 1969, American Indian militants sought to gain title to the island, build a Native American cultural center, and launch a Pan-Indian movement called the Confederation of American Indian Nations (CAIN). After a two-year occupation that spotlighted Indian demands, federal marshals removed the protesters. For Taos Pueblo in New Mexico, the issue was nearby Blue Lake, an important water source and sacred site that the federal government had incorporated into Carson National Forest in 1904. In 1965, after extended protests, the Pueblo leaders rejected a proposed monetary settlement and demanded the lakes return. In 1970, the Nixon administration pushed through a bill restoring Blue Lake to Taos Pueblo. The Alaska Native Land Claims Act (1971) granted some 40 million acres of federal land, and 962 million, to Indian villages and corporations in Alaska. In 1972, Nixon by executive order restored to the Yakima Indians of Washington State some 21,000 acres that had been wrongfully incorporated into Mount Rainier forest reserve in 1908. In 1968, meanwhile, the pan-Indian American Indian Movement (AIM) had been founded in Minneapolis to deal with unemployment, alienation, and poverty. Using audacious media tactics, AIM leaders occupied college buildings and staged protests at Mount Rushmore and the Mayflower II, a vessel commemorating the Pilgrims voyage of 1620. Organizing a Trail of Broken Treaties, AIM activists occupied BIA headquarters in Washington on 2 November 1972. They demanded repeal of termination legislation, the replacement of the BIA with a three-person presidential commission, the restoration of tribal sovereignty through treaties, and an increase in the Indian land base. On the eve of the 1972 election, the Nixon administration negotiated a compromise agreement granting immunity to the occupiers and promising to review their demands. In February 1973, AIM leaders occupied the hamlet of Wounded Knee on the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota, site of the 1890 massacre of over 300 Lakota people. The highly publicized occupation and armed confrontation with the Federal Bureau of Investigation lasted for seventy-one days. American Indian intellectuals and writers rose to prominence through a 1970s cultural renaissance. Vine Deloria Jr. Scott Momaday, and Leslie Silko published pathbreaking books portraying the lives, philosophies, and anger of Native peoples. By the 1980s, writers and activists like Joy Harjo, Louise Erdrich, and Wilma Mankiller became strong voices for Indian survival and well-being. American Indian intellectuals, politicians, activists, and medicine people sought new ways to sur vive in a spiritually desolate and materialistic Euroamerican world. Despite many broken government promises to investigate grievances, AIM and the subsequent cultural renaissance in creased Indian self-respect and cultural identity. The number of Americans identifying themselves as Indians in the federal census more than doubled between 1970 and 1990. Media coverage also sensitized the public to Indian issues. The chief beneficiaries of Indian militancy were moderate groups like the National Tribal Chairmans Association (NTCA) and the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI). As in the African-American civil rights movement, the government cooperated with moderates to isolate the radicals. In 1973, NTCA and NCAI rejected AIM overtures for cooperation. During the 1970s, Indian moderates and Congress conducted numerous hearings that resulted in over a dozen major legislative acts and the appropriation of more than 100 million in aid for education (including tribal colleges), health, and economic programs in Native American communities. The Joint Resolution on American Indian Religious Freedom (1978) extended religious freedom to Native Americans, but Supreme Court decisions in the 1980s and 1990s undermined the practice of religious freedom for the Native American Church and Indian burial grounds. In 1980, Passamaquoddy, Penobscot, and other Indian tribes in Maine won land concessions and monetary awards of 81.5 million in settlement of their treaty claims. In the same year, the Supreme Court upheld a lower courts award of 107 million to the Sioux for the illegal seizure of their lands in the Black Hills in 1877. Seeking economic self-sufficiency, Indian communities turned to manufacturing, tourism, and other strategies. Following a 1987 Supreme Court ruling and 1988 congressional legislation permitting casino gambling on reservations, seventy tribes in twenty states opened casinos. Total gambling revenue in 1993 was estimated at 6 billion, but the profits were distributed unevenly some casinos near urban areas did well, while many others did not. At the federal level, the Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations saw little progress on such basic Indian issues as sovereignty, economic development, education, and unemployment. Although the Bill Clinton administration produced few legislative or policy changes, it did restore to tribal governments some monies cut by the previous two administra tions. In September 2000, as the Clinton administration ended, BIA head Kevin Gover (Pawnee) formally apologized for the BIAs past record of complicity in the removal of eastern Indians by threats, deceit, and force the ethnic cleansing of western tribes and futile and destructive efforts to annihilate Indian cultures. In such a climate, and with 557 tribal entities officially recognized by the federal government, the path seemed open for the advancement of Indian self-determination as a new century dawned. Bibliography. James S. Olsen and Raymond Wilson, Native Americans in the Twentieth Century, 1984. Sharon OBrien, American Indian Tribal Governments, 1989. Marjane Ambler, Breaking the Iron Bonds: Indian Control of Energy Development, 1990. Oren Lyons, John Mohawk, et al. Exiled in the Land of the Free: Democracy, Indian Nations, and the U.S. Constitution, 1992. John R. Wunder, Retained by the People: A History of American Indians and the Bill of Rights, 1994. Donald L. Parman, Indians and the American West in the Twentieth Century, 1994. Donald A. Grinde Jr. and Bruce E. Johansen, Ecocide of Native America: Environmental Destruction of Indian Lands and Peoples, 1995. Jeffrey. Morris and Richard B. Morris, eds. Encyclopedia of American History, 7th ed. 1996, pp. 627-29. Bruce E. Johanasen and Donald A. Grinde Jr. The Encyclopedia of Native American Biography, 1997. Donald A. Grinde Jr. Indian History and Culture: The Indian in Popular Culture From the first European contact, cultural representations of Native Americans were, for the most part, made by non-Indians and reflected non-Indian values and ideologies. Two stereotypes persisted: the noble Indian and the unredeemable savage. The noble Indian lives a simple life, is eloquent and independent, a child of nature, and helpful to whites. The savage Indian is lecherous, drunk, dirty, improvident, lazy, and hostile to whites. Both stereotypes imagined Indians as relics of the past, with no place in American society, always in the process of disappearing to make way for civilization. These imaginings reflected political and cultural conflicts. Idealizations of Indians as the first Americans proved useful in developing a national identity distinct from Europe, but actual Native Americans were obstacles to the conquest of the continent. In the end, Native Americans occupied a troubled place in American society: marginalized and oppressed in reality, idealized or demonized in the imagination. To some seventeenth-century Protestant colonists, Indians were remnants of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel. Pocahontas. who allegedly saved the life of Captain John Smith. became a mythic figure in the American imagination. But the prevailing view held that Indians were heathens who needed to be converted to Christianity or destroyed. Such unredeemable savages figured in the popular Puritan captivity narratives. In A Narrative of the Captivity and Restoration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson (1676), Indians are instruments of the devil sent to test Christians faith. Variations of the captivity story long survived in paintings, gothic novels, dime novels, and movies. During the Revolutionary Era and beyond, the noble savage appeared as a powerful symbol of independence, individual liberty, and an authentic American identity. Chief Logan s eloquent speech of 1774, published in Thomas Jefferson s Notes on the State of Virginia (1785) and in McGuffey Readers throughout the nineteenth century, seemed to represent an authentic American voice and served to naturalize the principles of democracy. The Boston Tea Party was one of many instances of white men imitating the appearance and behavior of Indians to make a political point. Playing Indian persisted in nineteenth-century fraternal organizations like the New York Tammany Society and the Improved Order of Red Men. During the Antebellum Era, the romantic view of the Indian as a pure primitive doomed to disappear as civilization advances prevailed in American literature and art. Vanishing, romanticized Indians appear in the 1830s canvases of George Catlin. Karl Bodmer. and Alfred Jacob Miller and in the novels of James Fenimore Cooper. in Lydia Maria Child s Hobomok: A Tale of Early Times (1824), and in Henry Wadsworth Longfellow s The Song of Hiawatha (1855). The Indian Removal Act (1830) forced Indians to the trans-Mississippi west. After the Civil War, as the U.S. government forced Native Americans onto reservations and violent confrontations erupted between Indians and whites, Indians appeared in the popular culture as villains blocking the way of peaceful settlers. Plains Indians, the prevailing icon, were depicted as savage (though sometimes noble) warriors. Dime novels and magazines featured adventure stories based on Indian-white conflict. In the Wild West shows that enjoyed popularity from the 1880s until well into the twentieth century, Indians were foils for white Western heroes such as William (Buffalo Bill) Cody. Helen Hunt Jackson s 1884 novel Ramona sought to do for the American Indian what Uncle Toms Cabin had done for the slaves. Jacksons immensely popular tale of doomed lovers offered a variation on earlier sentimental literature about Indians. Until the late nineteenth century, federal policy concentrated on exterminating Native Americans or isolating them on reservations. With the Dawes Severalty Act of 1887, however, government policy moved toward assimilation through land allotment, education, and missionization, Indians would be come Americanized. At this point, the noble, vanishing Indian reemerged in nostalgic, elegiac icons such as James Earle Fraser s sculpture End of the Trail (1894) photographs by Edward S. Curtis and paintings and sculptures by Frederic Remington. which evoked an America threatened by industrialization and urbanization. In these decades, too, images of Indians proliferated on many products, such as tobacco, food, patent medicine, and cosmetics. Railroads and, later, automobiles and motorcycles also used the iconography. This commercial use of Indians evoked qualities such as connection with the earth, purity, manliness, speed, strength, and a reputation for helping whites. Tourism promoters, regionally and nationally, used images of local Indians (now safely vanished) to promote historical, scenic, or camping attractions. In addition, Native Americans were featured attractions at worlds fairs and national parks. The early twentieth century brought a renewed vogue of playing Indian. In scouting organizations such as the Boy Scouts of America, Woodcraft Indians, Girl Scouts, Camp Fire Girls, YMCA, and Boys Clubs, young people learned Indian lore, practiced Indian crafts, and performed Indian dances. In New Orleans, African-American Mardi Gras associations assumed Indian costumes and danced in Mardi Gras parades. These practices provided ways of imagining a national American identity and accessing a premodern, authentic state of being. Playing Indian continued in the New Age movements spiritual practices, and mens movements. Conservationist and environmental movements also evoked the idea of Native Americans as close to nature. In the twentieth century, movies, radio, and television shaped images of Indians. Some of the earliest movies, drawing on dime novels and Wild West shows, featured Indian-white conflict. In these films, Native Americans, stereotyped as violent, usually threatened some emblem of civilization such as the stagecoach, the train, the telegraph, or a white settlement. If not savages, Indians were frequently noble figures who served as companions or wards of white heroes. The Lone Ranger and his faithful Indian companion Tonto of radio fame had many incarnations in movie serials, comic books, comic strips, and on television. Beginning in the 1980s, several films portrayed contemporary Indian life, including Powwow Highway (1988), War Party (1988), Thunderheart (1991), and Smoke Signals (1998). In addition, several post-1960s Native American filmmakers including George Burdeau, Phil Lucas, James Luna, and Victor Masayesva Jr. responded to stereotypical representations with their own films, as did Native American writers such as N. Scott Momaday, Leslie Marmon Silko, Louise Erdrich, and Sherman Alexie. As the twentieth century ended, although most Native Americans remained politically and socially marginalized, Native American intellectuals, writers, artists, and filmmakers were taking matters into their own hands, exposing the politics behind popular representations of Indians and demanding rec ognition of their cultural forms. Bibliography. Rayna Green, The Pocahontas Perplex: The Image of Indian Women in American Culture, Massachusetts Review 16 (autumn 1975): 698-714. Robert F. Berkhofer Jr. The White Mans Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present, 1978. Brian Dippie, The Vanishing American: White Attitudes and U.S. Indian Policy, 1982. Philip J. Deloria, Playing Indian, 1998. Wilcomb E. Washburn, ed. History of Indian-White Relations, vol. 4 of Handbook of North American Indians, ed. William C. Sturtevant, 1988.
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